• 主頁 | Home
  • 關鍵詞索引 | Keywords Index
  • 提議加入新詞 | Suggest a term
  • 支持計劃 | Support the project
  • 關於 | About
  • 聯絡 | Contact
  • 一國兩制

    指「一個國家、兩種制度」,是中國在1980年代準備從英國取得香港主權時提出的憲法原則。根據這原則,香港的主權從英國移交到中國之後,將不會行中國大陸的社會主義制度,而是以高度自治的方式,成為中國的一個特別行政區,保留其資本主義社會制度五十年,最少直至2047年。

    就其歷史源起來說,官方一般把「一國兩制」視為當時中國領導人鄧小平的發明。但一些學者指,在「一國兩制」這詞語出現之前,中共早在1950及1960年代已對西藏及台灣提及過以保留兩地的社會制度為條件,吸引兩地「回歸祖國」。另外,中共建國前的北洋政府、民國政府及南京汪精衛政權,也曾因為蒙滿與漢人的文化差異、殖民地回歸等理由,成立過不同的特別行政區,作為預備改制前的過渡行政單位。

    雖然香港的「一國兩制」理論上會維持五十年,但自1997年至2014年期間,很多政治分歧,也是源自對這詞語的理解。例如在有關政治制度如何改革的問題上,不少維護官方及建制者,會認為重點是「兩制」如何配合「一國」;相反,質疑官方及泛民主派的支持者,則認為重點是在「一國」之中盡力保存「兩制」的差距。

    2014年6月,中國政府推出《一國兩制白皮書》,當中首次白紙黑字將「特首須愛國愛港」寫入,要求特首、立法會普選制度,要符合國家安全及利益,中央擁有對香港特別行政區的全面管治權等等。對一些擁護建制者而言,白皮書只是重申一中央對香港的既有立場;對部份泛民主派而言,這卻代表中央已背棄了一國兩制。有部份論者認為,白皮書刺激更多市民不滿現狀,甚至簡接助長了後來的民間公投政改方案、佔領中環運動或雨傘運動。

    Refers to a constitutional principle laid out by China in the 1980s as part of its plan towards a complete unification. According to this principle, Hong Kong, after the handover of sovereignty from Britain to China, would not adopt the socialist model practised by mainland China, but would become one of its special administrative regions with a high degree of autonomy and be able to keep its capitalist way of life for 50 years.

    Officials credit authorship of “One Country Two Systems” to then-paramount leader of China, Deng Xiao-ping. It was a way at first a way to solve the Taiwan problem, but then later became applicable to the British and Portuguese colonies of Hong Kong and Macau, respectively. However, some scholars claim that before usage of the term “One Country Two Systems”, Communist China had already made similar offers to Tibet and Taiwan in the 50s and 60s, with promises to preserve their way of life in order to attract these territories to “return to the Motherland”. Also, even before the birth of Communist China, the Beiyang government, the Republic of China and Wang Jin-wei’s Reorganizationists in Nanjing had all established special administrative regions within their territories. Although reasons such as cultural differences between Han Chinese and Mongolian and Manchurian peoples and the return of former colonies were cited in the creation of these special administrative regions, they were actually prepared ahead of major political transition to serve as administrative buffer zones.

    Although theoretically Hong Kong’s “One Country Two Systems” was to last for 50 years, many political divisions have emerged from 1997 onwards up to today in 2014 originating from different interpretations of its very phrasing. For example, over how to carry out political reforms, many pro-government figures and Beijing loyalists believe the focus should be on how “Two Systems” can remain subservient to “One Country”, while those skeptical of the government or are supporters of the Pan-democracy camp argue that the focus should be on how to keep the “Two Systems” as far away from each other as allowable within the confines of “One Country”.

    In June 2014, the Chinese government released a white paper entitled: "The Practice on the 'One Country Two Systems' Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” which explicitly included the phrase “the Chief Executive is required to love the country and love Hong Kong”, a saying that was expressed unambiguously for the first time. The document also requests that the election process for the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council be aligned with national security and interests and also states that the central government has complete authority over all aspects of governance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. To the loyalists and their supporters, the white paper was merely a reaffirmation if the central government’s long-standing position on Hong Kong; it was seen by some of the Pan-democrats, however, as the central government’s all but in name renunciation of “One Country, Two Systems”. Some commentators believe that the white paper spurred many citizens to become disillusioned with the status quo and might have even indirectly benefited the growth of the civil referendum on political reform, the Occupy Central movement and the Umbrella Movement.

    一國兩制
    One Country Two Systems

    指「一個國家、兩種制度」,是中國在1980年代準備從英國取得香港主權時提出的憲法原則。根據這原則,香港的主權從英國移交到中國之後,將不會行中國大陸的社會主義制度,而是以高度自治的方式,成為中國的一個特別行政區,保留其資本主義社會制度五十年,最少直至2047年。

    就其歷史源起來說,官方一般把「一國兩制」視為當時中國領導人鄧小平的發明。但一些學者指,在「一國兩制」這詞語出現之前,中共早在1950及1960年代已對西藏及台灣提及過以保留兩地的社會制度為條件,吸引兩地「回歸祖國」。另外,中共建國前的北洋政府、民國政府及南京汪精衛政權,也曾因為蒙滿與漢人的文化差異、殖民地回歸等理由,成立過不同的特別行政區,作為預備改制前的過渡行政單位。

    雖然香港的「一國兩制」理論上會維持五十年,但自1997年至2014年期間,很多政治分歧,也是源自對這詞語的理解。例如在有關政治制度如何改革的問題上,不少維護官方及建制者,會認為重點是「兩制」如何配合「一國」;相反,質疑官方及泛民主派的支持者,則認為重點是在「一國」之中盡力保存「兩制」的差距。

    2014年6月,中國政府推出《一國兩制白皮書》,當中首次白紙黑字將「特首須愛國愛港」寫入,要求特首、立法會普選制度,要符合國家安全及利益,中央擁有對香港特別行政區的全面管治權等等。對一些擁護建制者而言,白皮書只是重申一中央對香港的既有立場;對部份泛民主派而言,這卻代表中央已背棄了一國兩制。有部份論者認為,白皮書刺激更多市民不滿現狀,甚至簡接助長了後來的民間公投政改方案、佔領中環運動或雨傘運動。

    Refers to a constitutional principle laid out by China in the 1980s as part of its plan towards a complete unification. According to this principle, Hong Kong, after the handover of sovereignty from Britain to China, would not adopt the socialist model practised by mainland China, but would become one of its special administrative regions with a high degree of autonomy and be able to keep its capitalist way of life for 50 years.

    Officials credit authorship of “One Country Two Systems” to then-paramount leader of China, Deng Xiao-ping. It was a way at first a way to solve the Taiwan problem, but then later became applicable to the British and Portuguese colonies of Hong Kong and Macau, respectively. However, some scholars claim that before usage of the term “One Country Two Systems”, Communist China had already made similar offers to Tibet and Taiwan in the 50s and 60s, with promises to preserve their way of life in order to attract these territories to “return to the Motherland”. Also, even before the birth of Communist China, the Beiyang government, the Republic of China and Wang Jin-wei’s Reorganizationists in Nanjing had all established special administrative regions within their territories. Although reasons such as cultural differences between Han Chinese and Mongolian and Manchurian peoples and the return of former colonies were cited in the creation of these special administrative regions, they were actually prepared ahead of major political transition to serve as administrative buffer zones.

    Although theoretically Hong Kong’s “One Country Two Systems” was to last for 50 years, many political divisions have emerged from 1997 onwards up to today in 2014 originating from different interpretations of its very phrasing. For example, over how to carry out political reforms, many pro-government figures and Beijing loyalists believe the focus should be on how “Two Systems” can remain subservient to “One Country”, while those skeptical of the government or are supporters of the Pan-democracy camp argue that the focus should be on how to keep the “Two Systems” as far away from each other as allowable within the confines of “One Country”.

    In June 2014, the Chinese government released a white paper entitled: "The Practice on the 'One Country Two Systems' Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” which explicitly included the phrase “the Chief Executive is required to love the country and love Hong Kong”, a saying that was expressed unambiguously for the first time. The document also requests that the election process for the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council be aligned with national security and interests and also states that the central government has complete authority over all aspects of governance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. To the loyalists and their supporters, the white paper was merely a reaffirmation if the central government’s long-standing position on Hong Kong; it was seen by some of the Pan-democrats, however, as the central government’s all but in name renunciation of “One Country, Two Systems”. Some commentators believe that the white paper spurred many citizens to become disillusioned with the status quo and might have even indirectly benefited the growth of the civil referendum on political reform, the Occupy Central movement and the Umbrella Movement.

    延伸閱讀 Further reading
    孔誥烽、郭慧英(2013):〈歷史視野下的「西藏問題」與「台灣問題」〉彭麗君編《邊城對話:香港. 中國. 邊緣. 邊界》(香港中文大學出版社)

    《“一國兩制”在香港特別行政區的實踐》白皮書(全文) http://big5.xinhuanet.com/gate/big5/news.xinhuanet.com/gangao/2014-06/10/c_1111067166.htm

    BBC中文網:〈分析:白皮書被質疑港「一國兩制」已死〉 http://www.bbc.co.uk/zhongwen/trad/china/2014/06/140611_ana_white_paper_hk
    相關詞 Related terms